With Scotland’s electorate deciding if it feels better together or not in September, Will Mooney, Carter Jonas partner and head of its commercial agency and professional services in the eastern region, wants to know if smaller can be better.
Early in July, the Government announced the release of the first tranche of a big pot of £6 billion of cash for the English regions. With an eye on being better together and although the phase 1 £12 billion is very much for England, the Prime Minister heralded Growth Deals as ‘...a crucial part of our long-term plant to secure Britain’s future.’
In this first phase, £71.1 million is allocated to what’s termed the ‘Cambridge Corridor’ for projects which include transport and science and technical innovation centres. The day after the Government’s announcement, the Cambridge Ahead organisation said that the £13 billion economic powerhouse that is Cambridge needs to be on its guard as its top business talent can be enticed away to London because of, among other things, Cambridge’s poor transport infrastructure and paucity of night time entertainment.
Cambridge Ahead is looking to pitch Cambridge as the ‘pre-eminent small city in the world.’ It’s a flight of fancy on my part but perhaps Cambridge could make the case for city-state status like that of Singapore, Andorra or Macau? Or those classic city-states of Rome or Athens?
Too landlocked, perhaps, for parity with the city-state of medieval Venice, there would be there would be no shortage of candidates for The Doge of Cambridge as there are plenty of shrewd citizens and the modern equivalent of rich merchants. The great buildings of Venice see themselves reflected in the palaces of learning which are the University Colleges. So influential is the business success of Cambridge, that it could make a claim for sovereignty and overlordship over adjacent counties which is a pre-requisite characateristic of historical city-states.
Of course, this idea must be treated with the levity it deserves but Cambridge continues to reinforce its position as the most commercially influential location in the eastern region. Rather than city-state, perhaps there’s a case to be made for ‘city-region’?
It is regional causes and cases for investment and development which are the cause celebre this summer and beyond, in all probablility – and not only with the policy-makers but with policy influencers too.
The RSA City Growth Commission (thersa.org.uk) published a report in July called “Connected Cities: The Link to Growth”. The report references city-regions but prefers to use the term ‘Metros’ in arguing that individual cities , such as Leeds, Manchester and Sheffield, should have the freedom to operate as collective metros to make their own decisions when it comes to infrastructure investment.
In not relying on centralised decisions from Whitehall about what’s best and how much is best for its metro, the report makes the case that this devolved approach in England would see a counterbalance to the dominance of London and the South East. In turn, this would be in the best interests of the whole of the UK’s economic growth and chances of prosperity being spread geographically to all our benefit.
In the early autumn, the UK nation state faces the prospect of losing its most northerly part but such is the jigsaw of our country that there are rumblings in Orkney and Shetland that perhaps they have more in common with their Scandanavian counterparts than with Scotland’s central belt and its kingmakers at Holyrood.
Early in July, the Government announced the release of the first tranche of a big pot of £6 billion of cash for the English regions. With an eye on being better together and although the phase 1 £12 billion is very much for England, the Prime Minister heralded Growth Deals as ‘...a crucial part of our long-term plant to secure Britain’s future.’
In this first phase, £71.1 million is allocated to what’s termed the ‘Cambridge Corridor’ for projects which include transport and science and technical innovation centres. The day after the Government’s announcement, the Cambridge Ahead organisation said that the £13 billion economic powerhouse that is Cambridge needs to be on its guard as its top business talent can be enticed away to London because of, among other things, Cambridge’s poor transport infrastructure and paucity of night time entertainment.
Cambridge Ahead is looking to pitch Cambridge as the ‘pre-eminent small city in the world.’ It’s a flight of fancy on my part but perhaps Cambridge could make the case for city-state status like that of Singapore, Andorra or Macau? Or those classic city-states of Rome or Athens?
Too landlocked, perhaps, for parity with the city-state of medieval Venice, there would be there would be no shortage of candidates for The Doge of Cambridge as there are plenty of shrewd citizens and the modern equivalent of rich merchants. The great buildings of Venice see themselves reflected in the palaces of learning which are the University Colleges. So influential is the business success of Cambridge, that it could make a claim for sovereignty and overlordship over adjacent counties which is a pre-requisite characateristic of historical city-states.
Of course, this idea must be treated with the levity it deserves but Cambridge continues to reinforce its position as the most commercially influential location in the eastern region. Rather than city-state, perhaps there’s a case to be made for ‘city-region’?
It is regional causes and cases for investment and development which are the cause celebre this summer and beyond, in all probablility – and not only with the policy-makers but with policy influencers too.
The RSA City Growth Commission (thersa.org.uk) published a report in July called “Connected Cities: The Link to Growth”. The report references city-regions but prefers to use the term ‘Metros’ in arguing that individual cities , such as Leeds, Manchester and Sheffield, should have the freedom to operate as collective metros to make their own decisions when it comes to infrastructure investment.
In not relying on centralised decisions from Whitehall about what’s best and how much is best for its metro, the report makes the case that this devolved approach in England would see a counterbalance to the dominance of London and the South East. In turn, this would be in the best interests of the whole of the UK’s economic growth and chances of prosperity being spread geographically to all our benefit.
In the early autumn, the UK nation state faces the prospect of losing its most northerly part but such is the jigsaw of our country that there are rumblings in Orkney and Shetland that perhaps they have more in common with their Scandanavian counterparts than with Scotland’s central belt and its kingmakers at Holyrood.
Will Mooney MRICS
Partner
Commercial, Cambridge
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