Will Mooney, Carter Jonas partner and head of commercial and professional services in the eastern region, ponders the politics of the powerhouses.
The recent Budget statement acknowledged the potential of regional powerhouses and the considerable heft that economically successful regions contribute to the national and international performance of the UK.
Not before time. On the face of it, there appeared to be positive policy initiatives which could be good for the eastern region and spending plans for the kind of things for which this region – if you consider Cambridge as the heart of the hub - is known and recognised.
There will be £11 milllion to invest in new technology incubators to be channelled through Tech City UK – the government body which funds technology clusters. A £40 million pot will assist with research in to the ‘Internet of Things’ which, in his speech, the Chancellor rightly identified as the next stage of development in ‘the information age’.
Then there was the potential of a deal whereby 100 per cent of growth in additional business rates could be brokered for and kept by local authorities in areas like Cambridge, among others. This was described in the speech and in the subsequent media coverage as a ‘roll out of the Manchester model’ and a key component in formulating a northern powerhouse which sees Manchester and Leeds at the metropolitan heart of this hub.
Naturally enough, many in business in this region gave what is couched as a ‘cautious welcome’ to this and other elements of the Budget and for understandable reasons.
It is churlish to say it, but there has been a full-on eastern powerhouse for the best part of 20 years and does the powerhouse model, in modern times, really orginate in Manchester? We’re a long way from the heyday of the wool trade in which industrial Manchester was the centre of that economic power push.
Equally, one could argue that at a county level, never mind a regional level, there are issues of disparity and identity with which we struggle here in a way that a northern powerhouse might not. Although try telling that to the Houses of York and Lancaster.
In Cambridgeshire, there is a marked distinction between the north and south of the county; try lumping Ipswich in with Norwich and you won’t be popular; locations in Hertfordshire and Essex which border London have more in common with each other than their country or coastal county compadres. And whither Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire? Arguably, the former has more in common in its southern rump with north Cambridgeshire and the latter, a compatability with the Oxford corridor.
While government and civil service assistance to provide the broad policy and economic framework and infrastructure in which any region can seek to prosper is to be welcomed, it is questionable whether direct intervention - some might say interference - in trying to impose a regional identity and common cause is the best use of their time in the modern age.
After all, the latest detailed study of the genetic sources of the UK, has identified that there are 17 dominant genetic clusters which tend to reflect the de-facto, regional identities, not bureaucratic boundaries, within our nations. The largest of these clusters covers southern, central and eastern England and dates back to the the collapse of the Roman Empire when Angles and Saxons settled here.
The recent Budget statement acknowledged the potential of regional powerhouses and the considerable heft that economically successful regions contribute to the national and international performance of the UK.
Not before time. On the face of it, there appeared to be positive policy initiatives which could be good for the eastern region and spending plans for the kind of things for which this region – if you consider Cambridge as the heart of the hub - is known and recognised.
There will be £11 milllion to invest in new technology incubators to be channelled through Tech City UK – the government body which funds technology clusters. A £40 million pot will assist with research in to the ‘Internet of Things’ which, in his speech, the Chancellor rightly identified as the next stage of development in ‘the information age’.
Then there was the potential of a deal whereby 100 per cent of growth in additional business rates could be brokered for and kept by local authorities in areas like Cambridge, among others. This was described in the speech and in the subsequent media coverage as a ‘roll out of the Manchester model’ and a key component in formulating a northern powerhouse which sees Manchester and Leeds at the metropolitan heart of this hub.
Naturally enough, many in business in this region gave what is couched as a ‘cautious welcome’ to this and other elements of the Budget and for understandable reasons.
It is churlish to say it, but there has been a full-on eastern powerhouse for the best part of 20 years and does the powerhouse model, in modern times, really orginate in Manchester? We’re a long way from the heyday of the wool trade in which industrial Manchester was the centre of that economic power push.
Equally, one could argue that at a county level, never mind a regional level, there are issues of disparity and identity with which we struggle here in a way that a northern powerhouse might not. Although try telling that to the Houses of York and Lancaster.
In Cambridgeshire, there is a marked distinction between the north and south of the county; try lumping Ipswich in with Norwich and you won’t be popular; locations in Hertfordshire and Essex which border London have more in common with each other than their country or coastal county compadres. And whither Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire? Arguably, the former has more in common in its southern rump with north Cambridgeshire and the latter, a compatability with the Oxford corridor.
While government and civil service assistance to provide the broad policy and economic framework and infrastructure in which any region can seek to prosper is to be welcomed, it is questionable whether direct intervention - some might say interference - in trying to impose a regional identity and common cause is the best use of their time in the modern age.
After all, the latest detailed study of the genetic sources of the UK, has identified that there are 17 dominant genetic clusters which tend to reflect the de-facto, regional identities, not bureaucratic boundaries, within our nations. The largest of these clusters covers southern, central and eastern England and dates back to the the collapse of the Roman Empire when Angles and Saxons settled here.
Will Mooney MRICS
Partner
Commercial, Cambridge
